Indian Political Dynamics
Synopsis
- Introduction
- Assassination of Gandhi (1948)
- Tandon vs Nehru (1950)
- Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951)
- Praja Socialist Party (1952)
- Rajaji vs Kamaraj (1953)
- Swatantra Party (1959)
- Kamaraj as CM (1954-1963)
- Kamaraj Plan (1963)
- Periyar Opposed K-Plan (1963)
- Motion of No Confidence (1963)
- Attack on Kamaraj (1966)
- Bhaktavatsalam as CM (1963-1967)
- Tamil Nadu State Election (1967)
- Syndicate vs Indicate (1969)
- Rajaji's Shift from DMK (1970)
- The Emergency (1975)
- 42nd Amendment Act (1976)
- Janata Party (1977)
- Devaraj Urs Congress (1980)
- Indira Gandhi as PM (1966-1977 / 1980-1984)
- Assassination of Indira Gandhi (1984)
- Rashtriya Samajwadi Congress (1986)
- Rajiv Gandhi as PM (1984-1989)
- Janata Dal (1988)
- Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi (1991)
- Tiwari Congress (1996)
- Rise of BJP (1998)
- Rise of Sonia Gandhi (1998-2017)
- Major INC Offshoots
- Rise of Hindutva (2014)
- Ayodhya Ram Temple (2024)
- Conclusion
- Reference
Introduction
The Indian National Congress (INC) left an indelible mark on India's development. They provided the framework for the constitution and spearheaded critical advancements in education, agriculture, technology, space science, and healthcare. However, India's political scene has constantly evolved since independence. Internal conflicts within the INC, between its right and socialist factions, led to the emergence of multiple parties. Indeed, every political party in India has some trace of Congress roots.
Today, the two major national parties, namely the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), embrace Hindutva Nationalism, while the INC adopts a stance of Secularism. As India navigates its future, its political landscape continues to be shaped by historical currents, contemporary economic realities, and regional movements seeking autonomy.
Note = This essay refrains from delving into detailed political analyses and focuses on outlining key political incidents that occurred after independence in India, with brief notes about Tamil Nadu and the K-Plan era.
Assassination of Gandhi (1948)
On January 30, 1948, in New Delhi, an influential leader of the Indian independence movement, Mahatma Gandhi, was assassinated. A defender of Hindu nationalism, Nathuram Godse, fired three gunshots towards Gandhi during an evening prayer. The assassination was driven by Godse's objection to Gandhi's perceived policy of balancing Muslims and his viewpoints on the partition of India. The demise of Gandhi had a tremendous influence on the nation and signified a sorrowful conclusion to his peaceful ideology of civil disobedience. Godse was then found guilty and subsequently put to death for the act of assassination which became the first hanging to death in post-independent India.
Tandon vs Nehru (1950)
After independence, a power struggle emerged within the Congress for the presidential post between Purushottam Das Tandon, who was right-wing oriented and backed by Vallabhbhai Patel, and J.B. Kripalani, who was socially oriented and supported by Jawaharlal Nehru. Tandon's right-wing leanings clashed with Nehru's socialist vision, leading to tensions within the Congress. When Tandon blocked Rafi Ahmed Kidwai's entry into the Congress Working Committee (CWC), Nehru resigned in protest from the CWC.
Tandon's influence waned after Vallabhbhai Patel's death in 1950, and other right-wing figures like Rajaji were sidelined. Consequently, Tandon resigned from the Presidential post, paving the way for Nehru to assume the Congress Presidential post in 1951. As a result, Nehru emerged as the undisputed leader as the first General Election approached in 1951, guiding the Congress to a resounding victory. This solidified his position and laid the groundwork for long-term dominance within both the Congress and the Government from 1952.
Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951)
Madan Mohan Malaviya, who served as the Indian National Congress President in 1909, 1918, 1932, and 1933, founded the Hindu Mahasabha as an organization in 1915 to advocate for Hindutva interests. He played a pivotal role in shaping a politicized Hindu identity and exerted influence on numerous Hindutva leaders. After Bal Gangadhar Tilak's death in 1920, his disciple B.S. Moonje disagreed with the Secular and Ahimsa approach of the Congress, opting instead to collaborate with the Hindu Mahasabha. B.S. Moonje served as its President from 1927 until 1937 when V.D. Savarkar took over. Under the leadership of V.D. Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha strategized the Hindutva ideology, emerging as a staunch opponent of Congress's Secular Nationalism.
In the 1920s, K.B.Hedgewar, initially a supporter of the Congress, grew disillusioned with its Secular policies. Influenced by the mentorship of Hindutva nationalist B.S. Moonje, he established the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925.
In 1951, Syama Prasad Mukherjee left the Hindu Mahasabha and founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) as an alternative to the Congress's Secularism, embodying the principles of Hindutva Nationalism. Following Syama Prasad Mukherjee's death in 1953, the BJS closely aligned with the RSS, evolving into the electoral political arm of the Sangh Parivar, an influential ideological network. Notably, leaders such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani served as BJS presidents in the 1970s before it transformed into the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980.
Praja Socialist Party (1952)
In 1934, Jayaprakash Narayan, Asoka Mehta, and Ram Manohar Lohia established the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) as a socialist wing within the Indian National Congress (INC), drawing inspiration from Fabianism. Following independence, under the influence of Jayaprakash Narayan, the CSP broke away from the Congress and formed the Socialist Party. In the 1952 General Election, the Socialist Party secured 12 seats with 1.1 crore votes, making it the second-largest party at the time.
Disillusioned by the growing right-wing influence within the Congress, J.B. Kripalani departed and founded the Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party in 1951. In 1952, the Socialist Party merged with the Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party to form the Praja Socialist Party (PSP). Subsequently, the Praja Socialist Party witnessed several internal divisions over the years. For instance, in 1964, George Fernandes formed the Samyukta Socialist Party (SS) as a breakaway faction from the PSP.
Rajaji vs Kamaraj (1953)
Rajaji, a right-wing politician, initiated the controversial homeschooling program in 1953, creating friction within the Tamil Nadu Congress. Despite facing opposition, he staunchly defended the program and ultimately resigned upon learning that the opposition intended to remove him, citing health reasons.
The lobbying for the Chief Minister position intensified, with Rajaji strategically positioning C. Subramaniam as his successor against Kamaraj, a disciple of the late Sathyamurthy from the opposing faction. The aim was to gradually implement the homeschooling program. Bhaktavatsalam, a prominent figure within Rajaji's faction, even proposed C. Subramaniam for the post against Kamaraj. However, Kamaraj's decisive intra-party victory shattered Rajaji's plan when C. Subramaniam secured only 41 votes compared to Kamaraj's commanding 93 votes. As a result, Kamaraj was elected Chief Minister, leading to the withdrawal of the program and the subsequent defeat of C. Subramaniam.
Swatantra Party (1959)
Founded in 1959 by Rajaji, the Swatantra Party emerged as a political opposition to the Congress's socialist orientation. Its policy advocated a way of life free from social intervention and leaned towards the right, opposing the Congress's socialist policies.
In response, social reformer and activist Periyar accused Rajaji of using political strategies to advance Brahmin interests. He claimed that the Swatantra Party was specifically established to defeat Kamaraj, a challenge that other parties couldn't overcome. Furthermore, Periyar urged Rajaji to rename the party as the "Brahmin Welfare Party" or the "Tamil Welfare Abolition Party", emphasizing his perception of the party's focus on Brahmin interests.
Kamaraj as CM (1954-1963)
Upon assuming the office of Chief Minister, Kamaraj demonstrated a magnanimous approach by welcoming his rivals, C. Subramaniam and Bhaktavatsalam, into his cabinet, fostering a collaborative atmosphere instead of excluding his competitors. Despite facing opposition from factions that favored a centralized power structure, Kamaraj skill fully navigated internal party conflicts and implemented policies prioritizing the people's welfare.
Kamaraj's commitment to public welfare was evident in the introduction of several impactful schemes, including the mid-day meals program, dam construction, and heavy industry development. These initiatives earned the respect of Periyar, who commended Kamaraj for his sincere administrative efforts.
Kamaraj Plan (1963)
In response to India's crushing defeat in the 1962 border war with China and the growing influence of regional parties, Nehru deliberated on fortifying the Congress party. Kamaraj presented a strategic proposal tailored to this objective, subsequently renowned as the Kamaraj Plan (K-Plan). The plan urged Congress leaders to focus on rebuilding the party at the grassroots level by having senior Congress leaders step down from ministerial positions. This move aimed to revitalize the Congress's objectives and policies, intending to strengthen it at both the national and state levels.
The K-Plan, swiftly approved by the CWC, was implemented within two months. Six Chief Ministers and six Union Ministers resigned as part of the K-Plan. Despite Nehru's initial offer to resign, Kamaraj persuaded him to stay on, emphasizing the importance of united leadership. Impressed by Kamaraj's dedication and the potential of the K-Plan, Nehru championed the proposal and elevated Kamaraj to Congress President in 1964, a position he held until 1967. Kamaraj played a crucial role as Congress President in selecting two Prime Ministers of India, namely Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi, earning him the title "King Maker".
Note = The K-Plan helped young Indira Gandhi rise in the Congress Party and eventually lead the nation by allowing older leaders to step aside. Later, she distanced herself from some senior leaders who didn't share her political views, which will be explained further in the sections below.
Periyar Opposed K-Plan (1963)
Upon learning about the Kamaraj Plan, Periyar swiftly sent a message to Kamaraj, cautioning him about its potential harm to Tamil Nadu's development and his political career. Periyar believed that Kamaraj's resignation would be devastating and expressed disappointment over his departure. He feared political instability, which could hinder progress in education, industry, and agriculture in Tamil Nadu.
Periyar argued that the Kamaraj Plan, aimed at resolving internal conflicts within the Congress, was unnecessary for Tamil Nadu, which thrived under Kamaraj's peaceful and progressive rule. Comparing Kamaraj to a doctor, the plan to medicine, and the party to the patient, he emphasized that Kamaraj should administer the remedy instead of resigning.
Periyar stressed the importance of maintaining Nehru as Prime Minister and Kamaraj as Chief Minister for sustained peace and progress. He urged the Congress to recognize Kamaraj's leadership, appealing to him to prioritize the well-being of Tamils over party interests and reject his resignation. Despite Periyar's pleas, Kamaraj ultimately resigned from the Chief Minister post, moving away from State politics to engage in National politics.
During the K-Plan era, it's noteworthy that the DMK's influence and popularity consistently grew, starting with 15 members in 1957 and reaching 50 members in the assembly by 1962. The 1960s witnessed significant growth for the DMK.
Motion of No Confidence (1963)
In 1963, J.B. Kripalani, once supported by Nehru, introduced the first-ever vote of no confidence in the Lok Sabha after the India-China War. J.B. Kripalani criticized that military decisions were made in Delhi without consulting field officers and urged India to sever diplomatic ties with China and abandon the Panchsheel agreement.
Although 44 MPs supported the motion, 62 voted in favor, and 347 voted against it. Prime Minister Nehru survived the vote and retained majority support in the Lok Sabha. Following in the footsteps of J.B. Kripalani, India has witnessed 27 motions of no confidence.
Attack on Kamaraj (1966)
In 1966, a massive protest against cow slaughter in Delhi escalated into violence. Hundreds of protesters, supported by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), marched towards Parliament, demanding a nationwide ban on cow slaughter. The protest escalated, ultimately leading to damage to public property. During the unrest, protesters targeted the office of the All India Congress Committee and the residence of the Congress President Kamaraj. The violence led to police firing and casualties.
During the attack on the Congress President's residence, Kamaraj narrowly escaped harm, as the protesters were angered by his previous opposition to anti-cow slaughter legislation. Following the event, Kamaraj publicly denounced the violence, attributing it to "reactionary and anti-social forces". This statement was interpreted as an indirect criticism of right-wing political stances, including Rajaji's Swatantra party.
Periyar strongly condemned the attack on Kamaraj, interpreting it as an expression of deep-seated social tensions. He saw it as a reflection of underlying Brahmin resentment against the success of a non-Brahmin leader. He challenged people to try similar actions in Tamil Nadu and warned of potential consequences. Periyar further argued that the persistent criticism of Kamaraj by Rajaji had created an atmosphere of hostility, ultimately culminating in the attack against Kamaraj.
The 1966 anti-cow slaughter riot in Delhi revealed the tactics associated with Hindutva politics under the banner of cow protection. After facing challenges in rallying support for cow protection, Hindutva politicians shifted their primary focus to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. This shift ultimately resulted in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992 and the construction of the Ayodhya Ram Temple in 2024. This complex development remains a contested aspect of Indian politics and society.
Bhaktavatsalam as CM (1963-1967)
Kamaraj's bold decision to step down as Chief Minister to implement his ambitious K-Plan, aimed at strengthening the party at the grassroots level, sparked a power struggle for the Chief Minister post between R.V. Swaminathan and Bhaktavatsalam. Eventually, Bhaktavatsalam emerged victorious, serving as Chief Minister from 1963 to 1967. Bhaktavatsalam's policies diverged from Kamaraj's strategy, deepening the rift within the party and contributing to the gradual weakening of the Tamil Nadu Congress's position in the state throughout the 1960s.
Bhaktavatsalam's proposal of the three-language formula (English, Hindi, and Tamil) in the state during a session of the Legislative Assembly in 1964 triggered massive protests by students, mostly from the DMK. The Congress State Minister Kakkan's order to shoot the student protesters further contributed to the deterioration of the Congress image in the state. The Anti-Hindi Imposition Movement elevated the DMK as the party guarding and voicing for state rights among the people of Tamil Nadu.
During Bhaktavatsalam's rule, people faced long queues at ration shops and purchased poor-quality rice. The increased rice demand led to protests, and Chief Minister Bhaktavatsalam's response, "If you don't get rice, eat rat curry" backfired, damaging the Congress's image among the people.
Tamil Nadu State Election (1967)
In the 1967 Tamil Nadu State Election, the Swatantra Party and the DMK formed an alliance. Despite Rajaji's earlier criticism of the DMK's anti-Brahmin stance, he recognized the strategic benefits of collaborating to defeat the Tamil Nadu Congress and Kamaraj, making it his primary intention. Rajaji justified the alliance by claiming that the DMK had abandoned its communal bias by dropping the demands for Dravida Nadu. His supporters argued that Rajaji's influence led to this change, although it was actually due to Nehru, who declared secessionism as an illegal act in 1963.
Rajaji drew a comparison between the alliance and Lord Rama seeking help from Hanuman, a monkey, to defeat Ravana. In response, Periyar strongly reacted, accusing Rajaji of comparing Kamaraj to Ravana and warning Tamils to protect Kamaraj. He also challenged the DMK to respond to being referred to as a monkey in Rajaji's statement.
The DMK's Election campaign, highlighting Bhaktavatsalam's administrative shortcomings, ranging from rice demands to the imposition of compulsory Hindi, coupled with the promise of providing three-grade rice for one rupee in their manifesto, garnered widespread support. In contrast, Kamaraj's campaign failed to address Bhaktavatsalam's perceived poor administration or Kakkan's shooting order. Consequently, the DMK emerged victorious in the 1967 Tamil Nadu State Election and became the first regional party to form the Government. Hereby, Periyar’s warnings about the potential drawbacks of the Kamaraj Plan proved prescient in the 1967 Tamil Nadu State Election. It is widely stated that after the Election, Kamaraj acknowledged the validity of Periyar's objections during a meeting.
Within the evolving political landscape, the outcomes of the Kamaraj Plan differed from initial expectations. It resulted in Kamaraj losing power in Tamil Nadu, diminishing his influence within the Congress resulting in the formation of the INC (O) at the national level and paved the way for the rise of the DMK at the state level.
Syndicate vs Indicate (1969)
The rift between Indira Gandhi and the senior Congress leaders, known as the "Syndicate", over economic policy escalated as her nationalization plans faced strong opposition. Indira Gandhi did not wish to be a puppet of the Syndicate; instead, she aspired to lead the country independently, free from Syndicate surveillance. This tension reached a peak during the 1969 Indian Presidential Election, prompting Indira Gandhi to support the independent candidate V.V. Giri against the Syndicate's candidate Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy. Ultimately, V.V. Giri emerged victorious and was sworn in as the fourth President of India.
The division arose from divergent positions taken by the party's organizational sector and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Subsequently, the split was utilized as an ideological instrument. During this conflict, Congress President Nijalingappa, representing the Syndicate, expelled Indira Gandhi from the Congress, citing the reason of violating party discipline. sparking the first major post-independence split. The faction led by the Syndicate became the Indian National Congress (Organisation), while Indira Gandhi's faction, also known as the Indicate, transformed into the Indian National Congress (Requisitionists) and adopted the cow symbol.
Led by Kamaraj, Morarji Desai, and Nijalingappa, the INC(O) claimed to be the true Congress. However, the matter was decisively settled in the 1971 General Election, with Indira Gandhi's Indicate winning 352 seats compared to the Syndicate's 16. Subsequently, Indira Gandhi's faction was recognized as the official Congress, and thereby INC (R) became INC (I), where 'I' denotes Indira / India. The sycophantic slogan "India is Indira and Indira is India", coined by Congress leader D.K. Barooah, gained popularity among her supporters.
Rajaji's Shift from DMK (1970)
Kamaraj championed policies promoting Indian Nationalism, Rajaji endorsed policies promoting Brahminism, while Annadurai advocated for policies promoting Tamil Nationalism within the Indian federation. A skilled strategist, Annadurai formed an alliance with Rajaji's right-leaning Swatantra Party to secure victory in the 1967 Tamil Nadu State Election. After winning a majority, Annadurai implemented left-leaning social welfare policies.
Kalaignar, who succeeded Annadurai as Chief Minister, extended and endorsed Annadurai's policies and supported Indira Gandhi's domestic initiatives. This change worried Rajaji and ultimately led to the termination of his association with the DMK in 1970.
The Emergency (1975)
In the 1970s, tensions emerged between the Congress Government, union workers, non-Congress leaders, and the judiciary, revolving around power and rights. Notable events during this period included the Golaknath case, Kesavananda Bharati case, Bihar movement, and the Raj Narain case.
The 1967 Golaknath case established limitations on the Government's ability to amend fundamental rights, particularly the right to property. However, the 1973 Kesavananda Bharati case introduced the "basic structure doctrine", allowing amendments as long as they did not alter the core principles of the Constitution, such as democracy and fairness. These Supreme Court judgements significantly shaped the power dynamics between the Government and the Judiciary in India.
In 1974, two distinct yet powerful protests highlighted the growing public discontent with the Government. Jayaprakash Narayan, advocating for societal transformation, organized a student agitation against the Bihar State Government. Meanwhile, George Fernandes, an eminent Socialist and the leader of the All India Railwaymen's Federation (AIRF) at that time, led the nation's largest union, comprising railway employees, in a nationwide strike.
Indira Gandhi was elected from the Rae Bareilly constituency in the 1971 General Election. Her electoral opponent, Raj Narain, filed a petition contesting the results, alleging that Indira Gandhi had engaged in electoral malpractices. In the 1975 Raj Narain case, the Allahabad Court found Indira Gandhi guilty of electoral malpractices and subsequently disqualified her from holding office for six years. This verdict was later upheld by the Supreme Court, marking a significant event in Indian politics and highlighting the judiciary's power to hold even the highest officials accountable for electoral misconduct.
Due to political unrest, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed the controversial national emergency in 1975. While apparently aimed at restoring order, this period was tainted by widespread human rights violations. Opposition leaders were imprisoned under MISA, press freedom was curtailed, and a coercive sterilisation program sparked outrage. In 1977, Indira Gandhi called for fresh General Election, and the Congress did not win because the authoritarianism created a backlash among the people. The post-crisis General Election resulted in a decisive victory for the Janata Party to form the Government.
42nd Amendment Act (1976)
The 42nd Amendment Act of 1976, enacted under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's leadership, introduced significant changes to the Indian Constitution, earning it the nickname "Mini-Constitution". It notably moved several subjects, including education, forests, weights and measures, and wildlife protection, from the state list to the concurrent list, giving both the central and state Government's authority over these areas.
However, the following Janata Party (JP) Government addressed many of the controversial aspects introduced by the 42nd Amendment through the 44th Amendment Act of 1978, left education on the concurrent list, sparking ongoing debate about the optimal balance between central and state control in this crucial sector.
Janata Party (1977)
In 1977, under the shadow of the Emergency, a diverse coalition emerged to counter Indira Gandhi's political dominance. This coalition was known as the Janata Party (JP) and was led by Jayaprakash Narayan, popularly known as JP. With the combined efforts of Raj Narain and several leaders, disparate political parties ranging from socialism to Hindutva ideological groups were consolidated, including the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD), formed in 1974 through the merger of Rajaji's Swatantra Party, George Fernandes's Samyukta Socialist Party, Charan Singh's Bharatiya Kranti Dal, Biju Patnaik's Utkal Congress, and others. The Indian National Congress (Organization) - INC (O), the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), Jagjivan Ram's Congress for Democracy (CFD), and other smaller parties also joined the alliance.
"Vote for JP's JP" was one of the Election slogans, and the JP alliance triumphed in the 1977 General Election, making Morarji Desai, the former INC (O) leader, the Prime Minister. The Janata Party received 7.8 crore votes and won 295 seats in the 1977 General Election, becoming the largest party in India at the time. This victory marked a significant turning point, ending the uninterrupted rule of the Congress.
Notably, Rajaji's posthumous Swatantra Party merged with the Bharatiya Lok Dal before joining the Janata Party. Simultaneously, after Kamaraj's death, the INC (O) aligned directly with the Janata Party, and its member Morarji Desai became India's first non-Congress Prime Minister. Jagjivan Ram, a Gandhi loyalist and Dalit leader, defected from the Congress in favor of the Janata Party and became Deputy Prime Minister. Additionally, following the death of President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed in 1977, the Janata Government wished for Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) to become the President of India. However, as JP declined, Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy became the President.
In response to the demands of socialist parties, Prime Minister Morarji Desai, in December 1978, set up the Mandal Commission, headed by Mandal, the former Chief Minister of Bihar, to study and prepare a report on reservations for backward classes. However, it is noteworthy that members of the BJS, a wing of the Janata Party, did not support the Mandal Commission. Nevertheless, the Commission was entrusted with the task of identifying socially and educationally backward classes in India and recommending appropriate measures, including reservations, to address caste inequality and discrimination.
The Janata Government faced internal strife as Charan Singh and Morarji Desai clashed over the dual membership of BJS members in both the Janata Party and the RSS. Charan Singh urged the BJS to sever ties with the RSS. When this demand was not accepted, Charan Singh broke away from the Janata Party and formed a faction called the Janata Party (Secular), which later merged with the Socialist Party (Limaye) and the Orissa Janata Party to form the Lok Dal in 1980.
In 1979, Morarji Desai resigned as Prime Minister due to internal party pressure, triggered by accusations from Raj Narain and Charan Singh's group regarding mishandling of investigations into dual membership of BJS and the Emergency period abuses involving key Congress leaders, including Indira Gandhi. Subsequently, Charan Singh assumed the role of Prime Minister. Additionally, members of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) broke away from the Janata Party and formed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980 following a dispute over dual membership.
Indira Gandhi's Congress initially supported Charan Singh but withdrew its support very soon. Charan Singh, who had been sworn in as Prime Minister, resigned from his post 15 minutes before the confidence vote in Parliament, intensifying the political arena. His decision prevented his coalition government, in power for only 24 days, from facing defeat. After his resignation, a political crisis ensued, resulting in Jagjivan Ram being poised to become India's first Dalit Prime Minister with sufficient support. Meanwhile, President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy did not invite Jagjivan Ram to form a government or provide him with an opportunity to prove his majority. Following Charan Singh's resignation, reportedly instructing the President to call for fresh General Election, President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy dissolved the Lok Sabha and subsequently called for fresh General Election.
The Janata Government was plagued by controversies including dual membership, the Emergency period investigations, and allegations of misuse of power involving figures like Morarji Desai's son Kantilal Desai and Charan Singh's wife Gayatri Devi. Ultimately, internal party conflicts, family influence, policy differences, membership disputes, and struggles over positions led to the Janata Government's collapse within three years.
Jagjivan Ram, who served as Deputy Prime Minister from 1977 to 1979, aimed to become India's first Dalit Prime Minister after Charan Singh's Government fell. However, Jagjivan Ram's political aspirations were shaken when Surya magazine, managed by Maneka Gandhi and Khushwant Singh, published photos related to a sex scandal involving Jagjivan Ram's son Suresh Ram. President Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy called for fresh elections without allowing Jagjivan Ram a chance to prove his majority and form a Government. It is widely speculated that Jagjivan Ram, who led Indira Gandhi's Congress faction in 1969, did not support Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, the official candidate of the INC (O), in the presidential election. Had he supported Reddy, it might have led to Reddy winning the presidency in 1969. Political analysts view President Reddy's decision to call for fresh elections without giving Jagjivan Ram an opportunity to form a new Government as a form of revenge politics, despite both Jagjivan Ram and Reddy leaving the Congress party in 1977.
In the 1980 General Election, the Janata Party campaigned for Jagjivan Ram and the Janata Party (Secular) campaigned for Charan Singh as Prime Ministerial candidates. However, both factions performed poorly in the 1980 General Election as internal divisions severely weakened the Janata Party.
Indira Gandhi vs Devaraj Urs (1980)
In 1979, Karnataka Congress Chief Minister D. Devaraj Urs and several regional leaders left Indira Gandhi's faction, citing Sanjay Gandhi's dominance, and established the INC (Urs). Eventually, INC (Urs) received 1 crore votes and won 13 seats in the 1980 General Election, making it the fourth-largest party in India at the time. However, INC (Urs) failed miserably to have a lasting impact due to internal conflicts.
In 1981, Jagjivan Ram, previously associated with the CFD and INC (Urs), formed the INC (Jagjivan). Also in 1980s, several prominent figures from the INC (Urs) rejoined Congress. Sharad Pawar took over the INC (Urs), renamed it the Indian Congress (Socialist), eventually reuniting with Congress in 1986 and later formed the National Congress Party (NCP) in 1999.
Indira Gandhi as PM (1966-1977 / 1980-1984)
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi strategically balanced Hindu sentiments and Muslim concerns in Indian politics. In the 1970s, to appeal to Muslims, she facilitated the establishment of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board to represent their legal interests. She also played a pivotal role in the creation of Bangladesh from East Pakistan. In the 1980s, as Hindutva ideology gained political traction, efforts were made to modernise the tourism industry to attract Hindu pilgrims. Gandhi herself frequently visited Hindu temples for worship and met with religious leaders. This subtle political strategy not only maintained balance but also contributed to electoral victories for the Congress party in regions such as Jammu and Kashmir and Delhi.
Indira Gandhi Assassination (1984)
Operation Bluestar was a military operation launched by Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in June 1984 with the objective of expelling Sikh terrorists, under the leadership of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, from the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar. The operation caused a significant number of casualties, including the demise of Bhindranwale, and worsened tensions within the Sikh community. The aftermath of Operation Bluestar had a direct impact on the following assassination of Indira Gandhi on October 31, 1984. She was killed by two of her Sikh bodyguards as an act of revenge.
After the Janata Party came to power in 1977, India's political landscape underwent significant changes as Hindutva forces began to assert influence in electoral politics. After Indira Gandhi's assassination in 1984, Hindutva-affiliated organizations gained prominence in Indian politics. This shift reflected a growing identity politics centered around Hindutva. By the mid-1980s, Sangh Parivar organizations campaigned for the construction of a Ram temple at the site of the Babri Masjid, framing it as a matter of religious faith rather than a legal dispute.
Rashtriya Samajwadi Congress (1986)
After Indira Gandhi's assassination in 1984, Congress struggled over the Prime Minister post. Pranab Mukherjee lobbied but failed, and Rajiv Gandhi became the Prime Minister. Amid growing conflicts, Pranab Mukherjee formed the Rashtriya Samajwadi Congress (RSC) in West Bengal in 1986, opposing concerns related to the Gandhi dynasty.
Pranab Mukherjee, a Rajya Sabha Member from 1969 to 1987, didn't gain enough support, leading to his return to the Congress in 1989. He later rose through the ranks of the Government, eventually becoming the President of India. As President, he attended an RSS event, earning condemnation among socialists.
Rajiv Gandhi as PM (1984-1989)
After the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, Rajiv Gandhi was immediately sworn in as the Prime Minister and led the Congress to a historic victory in the 1984 General Election, significantly boosting the party's standing across the nation. His tenure was marked by economic reforms, technological advancements, and significant political events by attempting to appease both Hindus and Muslims. He initiated economic liberalization policies, including the reduction of import tariffs and promotion of foreign investment, which was further enhanced during Narasimha Rao's tenure in 1991.
However, several significant events drew extensive media attention during Rajiv Gandhi's political era. These included the Bofors scandal, attacks on Sikhs, the Bhopal gas tragedy, domestic separatist movements, the Shah Bano case, the Ayodhya controversy, the Congress party's electoral defeat, the formation of third front governments, the acceptance of the Mandal Commission's recommendations, and the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Each of these issues played a crucial role in shaping the political landscape of India during that period.
Regarding the Ayodhya Movement, in 1986, the Babri Masjid was unlocked for worship based on the orders of the District Court of Faizabad, with the Congress Government complying without appeal. Additionally, in the late 1980s, Doordarshan aired the serials "Ramayana" and "Mahabharata".
During the 1989 General Election, the BJP focused on the Ayodhya Ram Temple campaign alongside the unproven Bofors scandal. In response to the BJP's Ayodhya campaign, Rajiv Gandhi allowed the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to lay the foundation stone for the Ayodhya Ram Temple near the Babri Masjid and also campaigned for Ram Rajya after the Election victory. Following this, in 1989, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad laid the foundation stone for the Ayodhya Ram Temple on a part of the disputed site, not near it. Later, Rajiv Gandhi expressed regret as he was unaware that it would be on a disputed site. Despite a promise to wait for the court verdict, the Vishva Hindu Parishad broke it by laying the foundation stone on a part of the disputed site itself, escalating the Ram Janmabhoomi campaign.
Janata Dal (1988)
Initially serving as the finance minister and later as the defense minister in Rajiv Gandhi's Cabinet, V.P.Singh raised corruption concerns. He was perceived as an internal challenge to Rajiv Gandhi and was subsequently ousted from his ministry and expelled from the Congress.
V.P. Singh then established the Jan Morcha in 1987, which later allied with parties INC (Jagjivan), Janata Party (Secular), Lok Dal and few others to form the Janata Dal in 1988. In the 1989 General Election, the Congress emerged as the largest party, but Rajiv Gandhi lost power, and V.P. Singh became the Prime Minister on behalf of the National Front coalition with the BJP's support.
V.P. Singh implemented the Mandal Commission by introducing reservations for backward classes, after which L.K. Advani undertook the Rath Yatra for the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement. Due to the arrest of L.K. Advani by Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav on the orders of V.P. Singh, the BJP withdrew its support, leading to the fall of V.P. Singh's Government. Eventually, Chandrasekhar became the Prime Minister with Congress support, but his Government also fell, citing allegations of two policemen spying on Rajiv Gandhi's residence on Chandrasekhar's order.
From the mid-1990s onward, the Janata Dal party underwent a series of splinters, with the key leaders establishing their own factions for various reasons. For instance, in 1994, George Fernandes founded the Samata Party, followed by Ajit Singh's creation of the Rashtriya Lok Dal in 1996 and Lalu Prasad Yadav's establishment of the Rashtriya Janata Dal in 1997. The same year, Ramakrishna Hegde was expelled and went on to form the Lok Shakti. Subsequently, in 1999, Deve Gowda formed the Janata Dal (Secular), and in 2003, the merger of the Samata Party, Lok Shakti, and Sharad Yadav's Janata Dal faction resulted in the establishment of the Janata Dal (United).
Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi (1991)
On May 1, 1991, One-Eyed Sivarasan and eight others, including Dhanu, arrived in Kodyakkarai from Sri Lanka, where Shanmugam welcomed them. Sivarasan acted as the mastermind behind the plot to assassinate Rajiv Gandhi and coordinated the assassination activities. The same group, as part of their plan, was found to have conducted a rehearsal by draping a garland around V.P. Singh during a meeting held in Chennai on May 7, 1991, according to the investigation.
As part of the 1991 parliamentary election campaign, Rajiv Gandhi arrived in Chennai at 8:30 PM on May 21, 1991, after his flight was delayed due to a technical issue following his campaign in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh. After receiving information about the flight delay from a "mysterious person," Sivarasan's team arrived in Sriperumbudur on time. Led by Sivarasan, the group included Nalini, Subha, Murugan, Dhanu, Chinna Santhan, and Haribabu. The SPG security for Rajiv Gandhi had been revoked by the V.P. Singh Government, and this policy was continued by the Chandrasekhar Government, leading to a lack of adequate protection when Rajiv Gandhi arrived at a public meeting in Sriperumbudur to campaign for Congress candidate Maragatham Chandrasekhar at around 9:50 PM. At that time, many people surrounded Rajiv Gandhi as he approached the stage from the campaign ground. At that moment, while the young Kokilavani was reciting Hindi poetry to Rajiv Gandhi, he called Dhanu, who was standing nearby adorned with a sandalwood garland, to come closer, disregarding the objections of the security personnel. As Dhanu approached, she draped the sandalwood garland around Rajiv Gandhi's neck and touched his feet in reverence while pressing a button hidden in her clothing. Immediately, a powerful explosion occurred, leading to the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi at approximately 10:10 AM. Alongside him, 16 others were killed in the blast, and 43 were injured. After the assassination, the members of the Sivarasan group managed to escape from the campaign ground.
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It was reported that Sivarasan instructed the photographer Haribabu to take pictures at the Sriperumbudur campaign rally. At the rally, Haribabu took only ten photographs before he was killed in the blast. The Chinon camera belonging to Haribabu, which was discovered by the investigative team at the assassination site, served as a crucial piece of evidence in the investigation. At the same time, the manipulation of video footage from the rally and the manner in which Kodyakkarai Shanmugam committed suicide sparked significant controversy during the investigation.
Following the bombing, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) appointed Karthikeyan as the head of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to investigate the case. During the intense investigation, many were interrogated, some were arrested, and a few committed suicide. Ultimately, the SIT reported that Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated according to a plan devised by Sivarasan under the directive of the LTTE. The assassins of Rajiv Gandhi, including Sivarasan and Shuba, took refuge in the residence of Ranganathan in Konanakunte, Bengaluru. After receiving this information, the SIT attempted to apprehend them alive. However, before they could be caught, they committed suicide in the Konanakunte residence on August 20, 1991.
The case was argued in a special court using the collected evidence, resulting in the death penalty being imposed on several defendants. Following the defendants' appeals, the death sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. Notably, all the assassins of Rajiv Gandhi were released in 2022.
Tiwari Congress (1996)
Following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991, the Congress returned to power as a minority Government. As the first non-Nehru Congress Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao initiated the most significant economic reforms in independent India's history. However, his tenure was also marked by controversies, including the Babri Masjid demolition, the Mumbai blasts, and the Harshad Mehta scam.
N.D. Tiwari and Arjun Singh, allegedly supported by Sonia Gandhi, though she was not a Congress member at that time, led a rebellion against Narasimha Rao. After Arjun Singh was ousted from the Cabinet, he and N.D. Tiwari formed the All India Indira Congress in 1996 and later rejoined the Congress in 1998 when Sonia Gandhi became Congress President.
Rise of BJP (1998)
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the first non-Congress Prime Minister representing the BJP, completed a full term in office, marking a period of growth in soft Hindutva. During his leadership (1998-2004), he achieved significant diplomatic success with the Pokhran-II nuclear tests. He also emphasized infrastructure development, including the national highway network and road connectivity to previously unconnected villages. Additionally, he pioneered Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan to provide elementary education for all children.
It is noteworthy that Jayalalitha’s AIADMK played a pivotal role in the BJP making inroads into Tamil Nadu by forming an alliance in the 1998 General Election. However, after 13 months, she withdrew her support when Vajpayee did not fulfill Jayalalitha's demand to dismiss the DMK Government in Tamil Nadu. Meanwhile, India's international political image suffered due to frequent changes in the Prime Minister's position in 1996, transitioning from Vajpayee to Deve Gowda to Gujral and back to Vajpayee in 1998, leading to another re-election in 1999 due to Jayalalitha. Consequently, several other state parties, including the DMK from Tamil Nadu, rallied to support Vajpayee in forming a robust Government at the center.
Rise of Sonia Gandhi (1998-2017)
After the Congress's defeat in the 1998 General Election, Sitaram Kesri was removed from the Congress Presidency post by the CWC, and Sonia Gandhi became the Congress President. In 2000, Jitendra Prasada contested against Sonia Gandhi for the Congress Presidency post but lost. That year marked the final Election for the Congress Presidency post, and Sonia Gandhi's tenure at the helm of the party remained uninterrupted until December 2017.
After 1996, the Congress regained power in 2004 and 2009 under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi as the President, with Manmohan Singh serving as the Prime Minister. During Manmohan Singh's leadership (2004-2014), he prioritized economic reforms, continued liberalization, and emphasized quality education and skill development. He also signed the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal and laid the foundation for comprehensive tax reforms.
Major INC Offshoots
1996 = G.K.Moopanar formed the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) in Tamil Nadu. After G.K.Moopanar's death, TMC joined the Congress in 2002 but later separated in 2014. Currently, it is part of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
1998 = Mamata Banerjee formed the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) in West Bengal, bringing an end to the Left Front's 34-year rule. Currently, it is part of the INDIA Alliance.
1999 = Sharad Pawar, PA Sangma, and Tariq Anwar were expelled for questioning Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin, leading to the formation of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) in Maharashtra. Currently, the NCP is split into factions, namely Ajit Pawar and Sharad Pawar. Ajit Pawar's faction aligned with Shiv Sena's Eknath Shinde, supported by the BJP in Maharashtra through an alliance with the NDA. In contrast, Sharad Pawar's faction aligned with the INDIA Alliance.
2011 = Y.S.Jaganmohan formed the YSR Congress in Andhra Pradesh, feeling let down by the Delhi Congress after the death of his father, YSR. Currently, it is not part of any Alliance.
Rise of Hindutva (2014)
Narendra Modi's tenure from 2014 to 2024 witnessed a significant shift from soft Hindutva to hard Hindutva, marking a distinct departure from the principles of secularism towards a more pronounced emphasis on Hinduism. This transformation manifested through specific policies and actions, impacting India's social fabric and international standing detrimentally. Modi continued few policies initiated during Manmohan Singh's term, including substantial name changes that played a crucial role in the BJP's campaign.
Allegations abound that Modi's BJP has exerted influence over constitutional authorities, such as the Supreme Court and the Election Commission of India, institutions designed to remain free from political or executive pressure. Controversy and criticism surround Modi's handling of key events, notably the Gujarat riots, Demonetisation, Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), Pulwama Attack, Rafale deal, Saffronisation of Education, Betrayal of farmers, Dismantling of public institutions, Strengthening of private institutions, Ayodhya Event, Promotion of hate, Mishandling of Kashmir, and Denial of privacy.
Modi's BJP strategically employs digital campaigns to spread false information against the Congress and propagate Hindutva ideologies, contributing to heightened tensions within India. Internationally, concerns have been raised about various issues during Modi's tenure, including religious and social discord, controversial event handling, challenges to freedom of expression, and perceptions of India's subpar economic performance. These factors collectively contribute to a complex assessment of Modi's leadership, both domestically and on the global stage.
Ayodhya Ram Temple (2024)
The BJP and Sangh Parivar organizations grew slowly and steadily throughout the 1980s, culminating in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, which was seen as a significant setback for Prime Minister Narasimha Rao.
In 2019, the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, had begun the final hearing on the Ayodhya appeal. The Supreme Court bench had overturned the 2010 High Court verdict, instructing to hand over the land to the trust for constructing a Ram temple at the disputed site. The Supreme Court also ordered the Union BJP Government to provide 5 acres of land within Ayodhya to the Waqf board for constructing a mosque. Further in 2019, the Supreme Court dismissed 18 review petitions regarding the final judgment. Notably, as of now, the five judges involved in the Ayodhya case hold different Government positions.
Following the court's order, the Union BJP Government announced the construction of the Ram temple in Ayodhya by a trust, with an alternative site designated for a mosque at Dhannipur. Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Ayodhya Ram temple on January 22, 2024, and the final construction is currently underway. However, the Dhannipur Masjid site is still awaiting Government approval and funds for its construction.
Conclusion
India's political journey from the 1950s saw dynamic shifts, clashes of ideologies, and the formation of crucial political parties. Struggles within the Congress, the rise of Hindutva politics, and the regionalization of political power showcased the dynamic nature of Indian politics. The post-independence era witnessed influential leaders shaping the nation's political landscape.
Congress is marked by internal fractures due to democratic processes, while RSS and BJP are marked by cohesion with centering around Hindutva Nationalism. The political strategies of Congress and BJP highlights the ever-changing nature of Indian politics, mirroring the diverse and complex socio-political dynamics of the nation.
Reference
The Path from British India to Independent India
Tandon vs Nehru (1950)
Kamaraj Plan (1963)
Motion of No Confidence (1964)
Anti-Hindi Imposition Movement (1965)
Morarji Desai Became Prime Minister (1977)
Rise and Fall of Janata Government (1977)
Jagjivan Ram's Son Suresh Ram in a Sex Scandal (1978)
Indira Gandhi vs Devaraj Urs (1979)
Vaidialingam Report (1980)
Rise and Fall of National Front Government (1989)
Modi Opens Temple for Hindu Nationalist (2024)
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